Martin Luther King, Jr., known for peaceful resistance, at the same time recognized the importance of gun ownership for self defense. King understood the risks involved in being an outspoken civil rights leader, living in Jim Crow era Alabama, and took measures to protect himself, his family and others around him.
King was a gun owner. In fact, he had a few guns, one visitor to the King family home described King’s supply of weapons as an “armory.”
Additionally, William Worthy, a journalist who covered the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, reported that he almost sat on a loaded gun while visiting King’s parsonage.
King had also applied for a concealed carry permit, but was turned down. According to John M. Snyder:
“At one time, King applied for a permit to carry a concealed handgun, but was denied. He was concerned for his personal safety, just as are a lot of law abiding American citizens. “
An example of discriminatory gun legislation, via Examiner.Com:
“This Reconstruction Era law in Louisiana is a perfect example:
No negro who is not in the military service shall be allowed to carry fire arms, or any kind of weapons, within the parish, without the special written permission of his employers, approved and endorsed by the nearest and most convenient chief of patrol.”
“UCLA Constitutional law professor Adam Winkler, hardly likely to be mistaken for a fervent gun rights advocate, readily acknowledges bigotry as the father of “gun control,” as he explained in an interview with the Wall Street Journal:
In his research for ‘Gunfight,’ Winkler also noted a close intersection between guns and racism. ‘It was a constant pressure among white racists to keep guns out of the hands of African Americans, because they would rise up and revolt.’ he said. ‘The KKK began as a gun control organization. Before the Civil War, blacks were never allowed to own guns. During the Civil War, blacks kept guns for the first time, either they served in the Union army and they were allowed to keep their guns, or they buy guns on the open market where for the first time there’s hundreds of thousands of guns flooding the marketplace after the war ends. So they arm up because they know who they’re dealing with in the South.’”
“Among these laws, the forerunners of so called ‘Saturday Night Special’ legislation, was Tennessee’s “Army and Navy” law (1879), which prohibited the sale of any “belt or pocket pistols, or revolvers, or any other kind of pistols, except army or navy pistol” models, among the most expensive, and largest, handguns of the day. (Such as the Colt Model 1960 Army, Model 1851 Navy, and Model 1861 Navy percussion cap revolvers, or Model 1873 Single Action Army revolver.) The law thus prohibited small two shot derringers and low caliber rimfire revolvers, the handguns that most Blacks could afford.”
In the case of the Gun Control Act of 1968, one provision of the law was a ban on the importation of small, inexpensive handguns. It didn’t apply to domestically manufactured firearms, but at the time that market was served almost exclusively by imports. As noted by Roy Innis, of the Congress of Racial Equality, this law had the same malicious intent as its Reconstruction Era predecessor:
“To make inexpensive guns impossible to get is to say that you’re putting a money test on getting a gun. It’s racism in its worst form.”
“Outside the suburbs in the city, we have control, but what the hell, in the suburbs, there are — you go out to all around our suburbs and you’ve got people out there, especially the non white, are buying guns right and left. Shotguns and rifles and pistols and everything else. There’s no registration. … There’s no, and you know, they’ve had trouble with this national gun law, but after the president’s assassination, someone ought to do something.”
Cramer’s analysis, and this excerpt on the history of gun control, globally, both demonstrate that gun control isn’t about controlling guns. It’s about controlling people.